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|The Disturbances |
Buairidhean an (gd)
San Joaquin Provincial Guard controlling a Sierran Jacobites crowd in Bernheim in 1969, bombing of the Bank of Sierra building in downtown Porciúncula in 1966, Sierran Republican Army rebels in 1988, Santa Clara Provincial Guard in Berkeley, and the bombing of the San Joaquin Provincial Building auxiliary in 1969
Democratic-Republican Party of San Joaquin (1969-1970)
United Farmers' Front (1969-1970)
Sierran Loyalist Defense Force |
White Rose Brigade
|Commanders and leaders|
Elizabeth I of Sierra|
Alfred von Schliefen
Bartholomew Woodman (KIA)
Janette Morris (KIA)|
Sebastian Osborne (KIA)
Berry Talbot (KIA)
|Republicanism in Sierra|
|Monarchism in Sierra|
Conflict began in the mid-1960s and lasted into the late 1980s, fueled mostly by political and ethnic division, although factors of religious sectarianism also played into the narrative of the republicans and Jacobites. Tensions in the region between republicans and monarchists had always existed since the first Anglo-American settlers moved into the region. A century earlier, Styxie was the center of the four-year long Sierran Civil War which resulted in a defeat for the rebelling republican forces lead by Isaiah Landon. After several decades of perceived political and cultural oppression by the federal government and the integration of Jacobites and Asian-Sierrans into the east Bay Area through the Sierran Cultural Revolution, republicans in the region began to radicalize, although initially through non-violent resistance. Following the end of World War II, Styxie did not experience the effects of the post-war economic boom that was fueling the rapid expansion of regions such as the Southwest Corridor, although the region played a key part as the material heart for the Kingdom's war effort. Unemployment in San Joaquin reached 13%, and a housing shortage created a competitive atmosphere that discriminated against the republicans of the region. Along with a lack of affordable housing, tensions reached a boiling point in 1966 when several banking institutions were bombed in downtown San Francisco and Porciúncula. Within 24 hours of the bombings, coordinated attacks were perpetrated by the Sierran Liberation Army primarily on Jacobite neighborhoods (and in minor cases Han and Asian neighborhoods) in the Bay Area and in metropolitan Bernheim, known as the August Atrocities (Lùnastal-uabhasan).
Hostilities intensified in 1965 and in 1966, resulting in increased federal investigations and police presence. The initial responsive efforts by Porciúncula were successful under Prime Minister Alfred von Schliefen. Robert Paul was selected as Director of the Royal Bureau of Investigation and showed promising results, detaining nearly 700 members of the SLA by 1968. Although the government was successful in quelling the republican populace through legislative initiatives and new mandates and quotas, the Sierran Jacobites quickly radicalized in response to the attacks and formed the Sierran Loyalist Defense Force which led a devastating campaign on the anniversary of the August Atrocities, bombing the San Joaquin Provincial Building and the Bernheim City Hall, killing both San Joaquin Governor Bartholomew Woodman and Bernheim Mayor Thomas Davis. The retaliation by the Jacobites ignited a two decade conflict that would plague the administrations of Kovrov Stoyanovich and Walter Zhou. The conflict would end with the signing of the Concord Accords in 1989, designed by Kirk Siskind and the Democratic-Republican controlled federal government.
Sierran Civil WarCalifornia Republic securing independence from the Empire of Mexico though the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the nation modeled itself after the Anglo-American form of republican government, which lasted for ten years between 1848 and 1858. The California Republic was plagued with corruption and inefficiency, giving way to the Constitution of 1858, which established the Sierran monarchy. The rise of Charles I and the foundation of the Kingdom of Sierra as a constitutional monarchy was met by opposition primarily from farmers in the Central Valley who were suspicious of the young monarchy. Immediately after the signing of the Constitution of Sierra, two political parties arose: the Royalist Party of Sierra and the Democratic-Republican Party of Sierra. The newly founded provinces of the region: Santa Clara, San Joaquin, Reno and Tahoe, as well as small pockets in Plumas and San Francisco aligned heavily with the Democratic-Republican Party and were fiercely opposed to the Royalist ministries of Frederick Bachelor, Sr and Richard Trist.
Division between the interior and coastal provinces intensified as national projects and policies were directed at improving primarily Royalist dominated areas. In 1869, Prime Minister Richard Trist resigned after he and his cabinet were brought under charges of corruption. San Joaquin native, Ulysses Perry ran as Prime Minister, winning in a wave election that secured a Democratic-Republican majority within the Parliament of Sierra. Perry took a hardliner approach towards the initiatives created by the Royalists, quickly reversing much of the progress of the former ministries. In 1872, his wife was murdered by unknown assailants, propelling the Prime Minister into depression that crippled his ability to lead, forcing him home were he was too was murdered.
One of Perry's closest allies within the Senate of Sierra, Isaiah Landon, on April 13, 1874 entered the Bernheim Armory Depot and seized numerous quantities of munitions to overthrow the Monarchy, beginning the Sierran Civil War. The provinces of Tahoe, Reno, Santa Clara and the Central Valley joined San Joaquin in a secession from the Kingdom, creating the Second California Republic. For the first two years, Landon and the republicans made swift advancements across northern Sierra, and pushed the Republic to as far south as the northern Gold Coast. Landon was extreme in his methods of winning the battles, using spies to infect enemy combatants and recruited women and children to fight for the republic. After the republicans suffered defeat at Tejon Pass, republican gains were reversed and the tides of war shifted towards the Kingdom's side. Landon crissed-crossed the Central Valley attempting to evade the superior Monarchist forces during the war's final months. Landon was ultimately captured after the Battle of Indian Wells, when he fled to a nearby republican safehouse in Ridecrest, where he was was betrayed by his own soldiers and turned in to the royal forces. The Second California Republic capitulated to Kingdom of Sierra on November 11th, 1877.
Following the war, the region developed culturally as Styxie, which united around a "lost cause" of a republican form of government and stayed relatively faithful to the Democratic-Republic Party. Because of this continued opposition to the monarchy and becoming culturally different from the rest of the country, the wounds from the war remained.
Sierran Cultural Revolution
World War II
Initially, the general consensus on the war within the Styxie was a profound support for isolationism and maintaining the nation's policy of neutrality. After the Attack on Pearl Harbor, the Democratic-Republican overwhelmingly came in support of war on the Empire of Japan. After the declaration of war, an unprecedented wave of Sierran patriotism engulfed the region, with the traditionally republican cities adorning the tricolor in all public places, a public display which had not been seen since the 19th century antebellum. Within six weeks, Styxie provided the Sierran Crown Armed Forces with nearly 30% of its manpower, disproportional to its regional population. In a broadcasted event on February 12th, 1946, nearly 10,000 enlisted Styxie soldiers took their military oath in front of the Governor of San Joaquin, Ulysses Manfort and the King of Sierra, Louis II of Sierra at an elaborate display hosted at the San Joaquin Provincial Building.
Because of Bernheim's importance in steelmaking and railyard, war industries sprang up all across the metropolitan area, promoting an economic boom. In a sign of solidarity, the Parliament of Sierra designated the second largest military base in the country in honor of former Prime Minister and republican idol Perry, known as Fort Perry, which is based on the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta between Susan Bay and Bernheim. The Styxie youth within the now enlarged Sierran military found themselves less and less connected to their republican past and ultimately showed such devotion to the monarchy that Lewis described Styxie recruits as "...the model for the Sierran civilian." During this time, membership in republican fraternal organizations declined significantly, with the United Farmers' Front closing nearly 85% of its clubs, teetering on the brink of extinction. After surrender of the Japanese, the city of Bernheim held the second largest military parade in honor of the conclusion of the war, only dwarfed behind the Soviet Union's Victory Day Parade. Maylene of Michigan lead the military procession in place of the bedridden King, the joyful crowds threw apple blossoms at the street as she drove past, a symbolic symbol of the Kingdom of the Great Lakes.
With the death of Louis II, Styxie displayed such an emotional response that the government suspended class session for two days. The coronation of Louis III was the first televised anointment of a Sierran monarch, and the Royal Broadcasting System made it a priority to show the reaction of each province in support of the new monarch. Televised live, each province was recorded reciting the traditional "Ten thousand years! The king/queen is dead, glory, glory to the king/queen!", as the the scene shifted from a loud Downtown San Francisco to a crowd of nearly 40,000 in front of the Provincial Building in Bernheim, the Styxie crowd remained eerily silent, causing the RBS to switch back to crowds in San Diego. Private accounts from those surrounding Louis III, claimed that this act of disrespect clearly enraged the King, creating a long lasting bitterness between the King and the people of the cultural region.
With the election of Christopher Roux, the Royalist government sought to curb the war economy and began heavy budgetary cuts in the Styxie region. Housing became increasingly strained as soldiers continued to return from combat tours, along with the baby boom that ensured, Styxie's infrastructure was incapable of withstanding the population growth. This began a trend in which White Styxers held the highest birth rate within the country until the 90s. Schools became overpopulated with students, with teachers holding a student ratio of 1:50 in some classrooms. During the ministry of Henry Faulkner, the region saw minor improvement with the expansion of Fort Perry, and investment in the University of Sierra. Styxers remained heavily involved within the armed forces, fighting in the First Manchu-Korean War and reluctantly in the Vietnam War. Many college youth were becoming more aligned with the New Left, furthering dissidence against the status quo in Sierran society.
In 1961, students at the University of Sierra, Bernheim and the University of Santa Clara, Berkeley formed the Revolutionary Democratic Students Association (RDSA), in response to the 1961 election of Prime Minister Alfred von Schliefen, who promised increased involvement in the Vietnam War and who was in open opposition against the continued liberalization of Sierran academia. The RDSA created a strong student activism at their respected universities which garnered mass media attention and showed dissent against the formal institutions of the government, including the monarchy. In 1965, students at the Bernheim chapter radicalized after their attempts to address the inequality among the Styxie population were dismissed by the Berkeley chapter, dominated by the Sierran Jacobites.
Native of Antioch, Sebastian Osborne lead the schism and organized the Sierran Liberation Army, with a membership of 43 Bernheim students. Osborne and his chapter radicalized on the idea that their communities were being corrupted by neoliberal ideas (seen as a betrayal of the worker) imported by the monarchy and Jacobites, citing that many of their families were unable to attain mortgages or jobs in comparison to the Jacobities and Asian-Sierrans. Osborne was raised in a Seventh-day Adventist (although he formally left the church in 1963) household that held strong Anti-Catholic sediments, believing Pope Paul VI as the Anti-Christ.
Initial conflict (1966-1968)
On July 20th, Osborne and his girlfriend, Janette Morris along with ten other chapter members began developing a plan to bomb the First National Bank of Sierra in downtown San Francisco and the Bank of Sierra in downtown Porciúncula. Four of the members owned very large farms in the San Joaquin Valley, and amassed large amounts of fertilizer to create two truck bombs. The family of the four members, the Johnsons, Youngs, Files and Talbot were all in danger of being foreclosed by the two large banks and radicalized alongside Osborne and his student organization. Eight teams of ten people were scattered in the East Bay Area to conduct attacks on small businesses owned by Jacobites, Han and Asian citizens.M1 Garand's they evaded any confrontations with city police. At around 5:30 in Concord, Morris was stopped by trooper Seong-Hun Suk of the San Joaquin Provincial Police; who after seeing the men in the back of the van with loaded arms was shot in his chest and mortally wounded. Morris nearly called off the attack, but Osborne's secondhand man, Berry Talbot intervened and guided the caravan into the San Francisco Bay. Both Morris and Osborne positioned the trucks in front of the two banks, detonating around 7:30 AM. The blast in San Francisco was substantially greater, as the proximity of the buildings caused for a greater destructive force, it killed 64 people and injured 467. In Porciúncula, the truck was positioned towards the the front of the glass building while on the other side an open parking lot, it detonated killing 35 people and injuring 235.
Alfred von Schliefen, along with many of his cabinet heard the blast at the Getty House located about 7 miles away from the blast; causing initial confusion. After five minutes of speculation, with most believing it to be a blown gas line, the Porciúncula Police Department called the Mayor notifying that an explosion had occurred at the First National Bank, without knowledge of how the incident occurred but that several workers had been killed by the blast. Schliefen along with his entourage drove downtown to inspect the damage, in which it was clear that the source was from some type of makeshift car bomb. At 8:20 AM, Schliefen received notification from the Mayor of San Francisco that a bomb had detonated in its downtown, forcing him to call upon an emergency meeting of his internal security forces; the Royal Bureau of Investigation. At the time of the meeting, the RBI also relayed information about ongoing firefights within the East Bay Area, with local police attempting to handle the situation. Schliefen, who had been wary of his popularity in due part because of his intensification of the Vietnam War rejected the idea of deploying the Provincial Guard to handle the situation.
Talbot and Morris began to collect the dropped off forces in a series of pickups, evading the various Police Departments of the East Bay. With only the Berkelium Party being held up in a convince store. It was the decision of Talbot to leave the squad at the position, and returned the other seventy back to San Joaquin. The firefight between the remaining SLA and the Berkeley Police Department continued fiercely, with two police officers losing their lives, mostly in due part to the unequal match in firepower. After assistance from the San Francisco Police Department, the group of renegades were put down, with the various police departments sweeping the East Bay in response to the other attacks. The media reported the pandemonium that the nation was experiencing; with speculation that the United Commonwealth was finally initiating reunification to ideas that it was the beginning of a Soviet invasion. Immediately, the government attempted to begin tracking the attackers; with most resources directed on uncovering a Mexican connection to the attacks. With interviews with various East Bay citizens, it was revealed that the attackers were shrouded in balaclavas and equipped with Sierran weaponry, forcing the RBI to believe it to be the efforts of domestic terrorists. The bodies of the ten men were identified as ten students from the University of Sierra, Bernheim, leading to federal efforts to descend on the city and campus. Media followed the investigations, painting a portrayal of radical republicans conducting the attacks. Friends and families who had connections with the students provided information about their last whereabouts, but leads came short, leading to more drastic measures.
Federal presence in the city began to wane on the populace as they continued routine car searches at check points. Students at the University of Sierra, returning to school that August became discomforted by the increased presence as well; with most dissidence stemming from the curfew. On August 28th, the first weekend night of the school year, officers of the Sierran Ministry of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives attempted to arrest twenty at a block party. The Bernheim Police Department who warned against intervening in campus activities, refused to assist federal officers in the ensuring chaos. The incident provoked nearly 15,000 students to become active on campus, with most clustered at key meeting areas. Bernheim Police Chief, William Shaker warned the ATFE and the RBI of using excessive force on the students, as the conflict between the Bernheim Police Department and the student population has been held as a "ceremonial advisory, in which no one is severely harmed". The RBI and the ATFE did not possess any riot control gear; and were unsuspecting of the incoming pummel of rocks from a group of students.